IMPHAL | July 8
Songpeh Area Youth Organisation (SAYO) organised 1st Felicitation cum Blessing programme today under the sponsorship of Churachandpur United Clubs’ Organisation at Songpeh community hall. The felicitation function was attended by chief of G. Monglien and SACA chairman, Zamkhongam Guite, CUCO president, S.K. Mangang and chief of Songpeh and SACA joint secretary, Mangkhothang Haokip as the chief guest, president and guest of honour respectively.
By Our Correspondent
TAMENGLONG | July 8
With an aim to make it operational before August 15, the construction and repairing of Tamenglong 50-bedded hospital has been making good progress ever since DRDA Tamenglong took over as work agency.
The hospital has been upgraded to have another 50 beds to bring up its status to a 100-bedded hospital. The hospital is located at Duigailong village some 3 kms from the district headquarters.
It may be mentioned that the new Tamenglong deputy commissioner has cancelled all contractors/work agencies engaged in the construction of the multiple crores hospital at Duigailong village of Tamenglong district. The construction work has now been handed over to DRDA Tamenglong as work agency.
The work order was issued to one special contractor, Keibamdi Panmei in the year 2009 but reportedly construction work was executed by many sub-contractors as well.
According to a source, the revised estimated cost for project is Rs. 21.26 crores. After deduction for various agencies Rs. 18.04 crores was deposited at DRDA Tamenglong account.
The first deadline for completion of the envisaged project was fixed for December 2012. However, it was extended to March 2016 for completion.
According to the district administration the show cause noticed was issued on October 13, 2016 as there is no sign of work being resumed, even after the lapsed of the deadline.
Replying to the show cause notice, the contractor assured to complete within six months. However, it was found that even after a lapse of more than seven months there is no sign of work being resumed and moreover there are no financial liabilities to be paid to the sub- contractors, the source said.
Public leaders, police, NGO leaders, women folks of Duigailong village and other social workers had visited the 100 bedded construction sites today after hearing some threat received from contractors/sub- contractors.
Many doors locked by former sub-contractors were broke opened by Tamenglong DC in the presence of public leaders and police, NGO leaders, etc. to enable repairing and completion of the work.
The public has witnessed good progress of repairing of doctors and nurse quarters that was left incomplete in dilapidated condition.
The DC has set all to complete the work and start using before August 15 and stated that if it let remained as it is, the building would be never completed despite of huge public demand for completion and several memorandum which has been submitted by various civil bodies.
He said that if the work is to be carried out by the present sub- contractors who are demanding only advance release of fund, the work would be incomplete.
It is also witnessed that the road connecting to the hospital has been started constructing.
Tamenglong DC, Armstrong Pame told media persons after visiting various locations that they visited to track the progress of repairing works which began 10 days back. He also commented that the work was good but not excellent as the weather is too bad.
He said that all the materials required have been reached. Repairing works of doctors and nurse headquarters will be completed after 15 days and major work will start from today, he said adding that he has instructed all the engineers to do the works.
He further said work is going on at a war footing to complete the hospital. He said that the construction work is being under taken with consultantion from higher authority including chief minister of Manipur, local MLA, Health minister, health director, etc. who were willing to complete work at the earliest.
He also urged all to give support and cooperation to complete the works at the earliest time.
Zeliangrong Union Tamenglong zone along with some social organisations leaders had visited today.
By Garga Chatterjee
Recently in Kolkata, an interesting saga played itself out that is quite interesting. Barkati, the infamous imam of the famous Tipu Sultan mosque situated in central Kolkata removed from his imam position by the mosque authorities amidst huge protests against him by fellow Muslims. This character who styled himself as the “Shahi” Imam is a non-Bengali import into Bengal. There is nothing Shahi about his position – the mosque committee in charge put him there. It is true that this mosque is part of the waqf estate of Tipu Sultan's descendants but no reigning king with any royal charter created this position. Be that as it may, Barkati had long been a prominent imam in Kolkata – partly from the prominence of the mosque he controlled and partly because of the distance of the mosque from the main newspaper media district of the city such that he came handy whenever journalists wanted a “Muslim divine” angle to some story. Barkati played up this prominence and hobnobbed with political leaders across party lines – a good indicator of his networking skills. Though his prime base was limited to the non-Bengali Sunni Muslims (Urdu speaking Muslims would be an imperfect but workable short-hand) of central Kolkata, he styled himself as the guardian-custodian of all kind of Muslim interests across Bengal. Nearly 90% of Muslim in Bengal are Bengalis whose allegiances and loyalties lay elsewhere. This ethno-linguistic divide had other dimensions. The non-Bengali ashraf Muslims have always been over-represented in Bengal's political scene by their self-certified claim of community leadership, which is only a veiled way to hint at their ashraf extraction and non-Bengali, non-South Asian origin – thus being more 'authentic' Muslims. This hegemonic relationship has a much longer past and has weakened severely over time but has far from disappeared.
When Trinamool supremo Mamata Banerjee's political ascent started in West Bengal, she did court many Muslim divines quite publicly. Barkati was one of them – a prominent one at that. She rode to power in 2011 by toppling the 34 year incumbent Left Front and the Muslim consolidation behind her party was one of the important factors behind her victory. However, her all-too-public hobnobbing with these divines raised Hindu eyebrows. She started facing the charge of “Muslim appeasement” with epithets like “Mamtaz Begum” and “Jihadi Didi” being hurled at her ('Didi' or elder sister in Bangla is the near universal name by which Mamata Banerjee is known to everyone- an image she has inculcated with amazing finesse). Some of these charges stuck to an extent, thanks to the Hindi-Hindu nationalist BJP's aggressive communal campaigning in West Bengal, emboldened by Narendra Modi's victory in 2014 (In 2014, BJP performed miserably in Bengal). Mamata Banerjee, always quick to learn from backlashes and public mood shifts as any mass leader does, reduced the number of occasions of public bonhomie with Muslim divines. Much to her embarrassment, Barkati would often claim that he held huge powers over the West Bengal government, that he put the present party in power or even threatening Narendra Modi in very direct, inciting terms. This kind of braggadocio raised Barkati's stock among his followers but irked not only Hindu Bengalis but also Muslim Bengalis who saw this kind of talk giving fodder to the Hindu right wing for no good reason. The last thing that a ruling party wants in a communally sensitive region like the subcontinent is to be identified as some kind of an special agent for minorities. Such charges have undone many a political career in the Indian Union and Pakistan. At present, Sheikh Hasina, the supremo of the Bangladesh Awami League and the Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, is regularly portrayed as such by the opposition, while in reality her government has been ceding space to Islamists at an alarming rate on various issues, including the live issue of removal of the sculpture of a sari-clad Bengali woman holding the scales of justice behind the front gates of the Supreme Court in Dhaka.
It is true that under Mamata Banerjee's Chief Ministership, Muslims in Bengal have gained prominence in public and political life but that is in keeping with their numbers in West Bengal where they constitute around 27% of the population according to the 2011 census. If anything, this marks an acknowledgment that was long due. West Bengal is among the few states in the Indian Union where cow slaughter for religious and eating purposes has always been legal. This marks out Kolkata as the only metropolis in the Indian Union where beef biryani or beef haleem actually has beef and not buffalo meat – so much for the so-called “liberal” and “cosmopolitan” bastions of Delhi and Mumbai. Kolkata's cosmopolitanism is a part of its publicly lived urbanity and not some private self-image of rootless elites projected on to a metropolis. While this is a favourite campaign point for the BJP, it has never been able to get any serious foothold either in Kolkata or West Bengal, with vegetarian Hindi-speakers over-represented in their support base in a 98% non vegetarian, 85 % Bengali state.
When Barkati public defied a blanket ban on the VIP-style coloured lights atop cars claiming quite comically that the British gave his position special rights and that the West Bengal government was with him, things moved fast. The West Bengal government removed the lights. This was again becoming one of those issues in the hand of the Hindu right. Muslim Bengalis and others protested against Barkati. The “Shahi” divine was unceremoniously roughed up by local Muslims. Enough pressure was mounted by Muslims so that the mosque committee removed him from his position. Barkati has now been cut down to size, marking a certain maturation of Muslim politics in West Bengal with Muslim Bengalis coming on to their own vis-a-vis a faction of their ashraf co-religionists. The community has taken a decisive stance against a self-serving demagogue who spoke in the name of their creed.
By : Jiten Yumnam
Of late, oil companies such as Oil India Limited (OIL), the Asian Oilfield Survey Limited, Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC), Jubilant Energy, Alphageo etc has been involved in aggressive efforts to explore and drill oil from Manipur. Ever since the Asian Oilfield Services Limited bagged a Rs 143-crore contract from the Oil India Ltd (OIL) in January 2017 for 2D seismic data, the company commenced oil surveys in Jiribam, Tamenglong and Imphal West Districts in Manipur. The oil survey envisaged to cover almost all of Manipur till its Burma border. Even the survey lines cuts through ecological sensitive areas of Manipur like the Loktak Wetlands, Barak River system, the Yaingangpokpi Lokchao Wildlife Sanctuary etc. The company also clandestinely commenced surveys in Khaidem, Moidangpok, Sangaithel villages in Imphal West district since May 2017 without providing any detailed information to the villagers. The Asian Oilfield blasted multiple explosive devices during their survey without clear information on the impacts and safety in Khaidem Village. The effects of blasting of such multiple explosive and the related seismic activities on the people and environment have never been assessed. Rather, officials of Asian oilfield verbally said nothing ever will happen to them despite the fact that other oil companies carried out details Environment and Social Impact assessment before conducting 2D seismic surveys, as done in oil exploration in Greenland and other places. On 17th May 2017, villagers of Khaidem Village stopped the Asian Oilfield from conducting oil surveys in their village and further resolved in a community meeting in their village on 18th May to stop all oil exploration works in Khaidem Area. The villagers of Kambiron, Sibilong, Oinamlong villages etc in Tamenglong District rejected the efforts of the Asian Oilfield to seek No Objection Certificates (NOC) for surveys without providing information, also considering previous experiences of malpractices by Alphageo and Jubilant Energy in 2012.
There is no clear information as to how the Oil India Limited (OIL) was conferred ownership of Manipur’s oil and if any consultation and information relayed to the people of Manipur on the conferment. The renewed oil exploration and drilling efforts raised some interesting questions for Manipur and its people. There is also no information if Jubilant Energy has transferred their Manipur oil contracts to OIL. It seems Manipur is simply mortgaged or transferred from one company to another company without consulting and according respect for its people. The Government and oil companies seem to treat Manipur as being offered for sale for their profits and power consolidation.
Earlier, the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, Government of India granted license to Jubilant Oil and Gas Private Limited (JOGPL), based in Netherlands for exploration and drilling works in two oil blocks in Manipur located in the Jiribam, Tamenglong and Churachandpur districts. The contracts were awarded to Jubilant Energy under the eighth round of New Exploration Licensing Policy. The Government of India have signed the ‘‘Production Sharing Contract’‘ on 19th July 2010 at New Delhi with JOGPL for onland oil blocks in Manipur . However, the indigenous peoples of Tamenglong, Churachandpur and Jiribam expressed vehement objection and protest the Public Hearing organized by Manipur Pollution Control Board and Jubilant Energy in the year 2012, for fears of losing their land, of massive contamination of their land, for fears of permanent damage to their land and coming generations. The non-recognition of their rights and the fraud and manipulation unleashed by the oil companies in collusion with the Government is what compelled people of Manipur to reject oil exploration.
Mr. Sumit Mahajan, project manager of the Asian Oilfields in his interview, reported by media during his survey works at Khaidem Village in mid-May 2017 claimed that the oil resource does not belong to the people of Manipur and only the Government of India can decide on the use and management of oil resource. Indeed, India has multiple laws, viz, the Oil Industry (Development) Act, 1974; Petroleum and Minerals Pipelines (Acquisition of Right of User in Land), Act, 1962; that says all Oil in India belongs to it and hence it has exclusive right to mortgage or sell to multinational companies, even without consulting with the people of Manipur, as had happened already. Interestingly, these laws are formed excluding the people of Manipur and even some like the Oilfield Act, 1948 are formed when Manipur still manage itself politically? Even the North East Hydrocarbon Vision, 2030 formulated recently in early 2016 contains no provision for recognition of community rights and role in decision making in oil exploration activities in their land. This contravenes international human rights advancements, like the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 2007, outlining indigenous peoples’ rights over their land and resources and to manage such resources. India’s laws on oil management are simply inconsistent to such advancement and already outdated.
A deeper question as to whom the oil resources should belong is a question which even the people of Manipur need serious introspection. Will the black gold be a curse for its people, deepening the multiple conflicts and tensions at various levels? Here lies the question as to whether the indigenous peoples of Manipur just blindly follow what the Government says or what’s prescribed in laws formulated for the economic and political advancement of other peoples and nations? By pursuing oil exploration related works without the consent of the people of Manipur, oil companies like Oil India Limited, Asian Oil Fields and the Government of India has failed to recognize that the land and all resources belong to the people of Manipur and they have self-determined rights over it. The indigenous peoples of Manipur have absolute rights over their land and resources.
The Survey works for oil exploration by Alpha Geo Company and Asian Oil Fields in Manipur commenced without taking peoples consent in the year 2011, 2012 and again in 2017. The oil companies have failed to provide relevant information related to oil exploration. People are not aware of the conditions laid down in the agreements with the Government, and on how the people in Manipur would benefit from oil exploration. It is reported that oil companies tried to misinform and seek NOCs from vilagers in Tamenglong and Churachandpur by bribing leaders and even using some of the armed opposition groups. In other case, the village traditional decision making processes are undermined. In Nungkao village, the villagers are compelled to resort to violence to stop oil exploration related survey works in 2012, when Alphageo conducted surveys without the consent of villagers. The Jubilant Energy in its annual reports in 2014 outlined the completion of several surveys, viz, 2D and 3D Seismic Surveys and Airborne Gradiometer surveys apart from studies on Sediments and Rocks in the Manipur Oil Block 1 and 2. However, these reports and information are simply unavailable in the public domain.
The Government of India and oil companies tried to pursue oil exploration without conducting detailed impact assessment with community participation. Impacts of blasting multiple bombs have never been revealed. At Khaidem village, Asian Oilfield villagers misinformed verbally there will be no impact due to blasting of multiple bombs in agriculture land, implying that explosives are free of hazardous chemicals. It is highly unfortunate that oil companies has failed to conduct any impact assessment including for 2D and 3D seismic surveys on the land, people and environment of the proposed villages and sites of oil surveys and drilling operations. Manipur indeed falls in two of the World’s Biodiversity Hotspot, the Eastern Himalayas Biodiversity Hotspot and Indo-Burma Hotspot, that explains the rich biodiversity in Manipur. The oil survey related blasting and direct oil exploration will impact the Loktak Wetlands Ecosystem, Barak River system and other eco-sensitive areas of Manipur.
The oil drilling process in Manipur will lead to acquisition of huge agricultural land and displacement of community members either from their residential areas or from their livelihood sources. Entire village will be forced to move out either due to direct drilling or due to oil contamination and pollutions. Oil spill related pollutions and contamination of water during both exploration and drilling; impacts of gas flaring and spread of toxic materials will further undermine food sovereignty of villagers. The oil exploration and drilling will lead to more militarization and human rights violations in Manipur, both to advance corporate interest and to subdue community assertion for their rights. As expressed in series of community consultations and resolutions, there are clear worried that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 in Manipur will further be reinforced to facilitate corporate expropriation of our land and resources in Manipur. There are also worries that oil Exploration and drilling and creation of necessary infrastructure, such as roads and railways would increase the influx of illegal immigrants in Manipur and undermine indigenous populations and their social and cultural practices.
Conclusions: With renewed push for oil exploration, with oil companies like the Asian Oilfield, Alphageo, Oil India Limited, Oil India Limited appearing one after another, there’s serious question to ponder within ourselves as people of Manipur. Listening to the voices of expression of concerns with oil exploration in Manipur is ultimately, a question of rights. The primary question is to whom the resource, oil and other minerals found in Manipur belong to? A fundamental question is who should decide how the oil and other resources in Manipur are used and managed. Should the people of Manipur relinquish our ownership and management rights over our land and resources without any questions? Should we allow oil companies to own Manipur and concede them exclusive right to exploit and plunder its land and resources? Should oil companies exclusively have the right to share or mortgage Manipur from one company to another for their profits?
The infamous cases of Manipur’s suffering and devastation of Loktak wetlands due to 105 MW Loktak Multipurpose Hydroelectric Project while the project proponent, the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) reaping maximum profit should be an eye opener for the people of Manipur. Unfortunately, despite multiple promises of development and change, the NHPC continues to remain unaccountable for the continued violations unleashed on the people of Manipur. Further, as the plan is to carry the oil drilled in Manipur to Numaligarh Refinery in Assam, one also need to wonder if the entire oil exploration process will ever benefit Manipur? The continued languishing of Assam as one of the poorest States of India despite oil exploration from British times, more than a century back, need careful studies as well.
The oil exploration plan in Manipur simply constitutes a height of modern day imperialism of the Government of India and its politics of economic and political domination by pursuing politics of plunder and expropriation of peoples land and resources in Manipur. With this new aggressive development, one wonders if the new development pursuit will ever advance Manipur, or just deepen its dependency to outsiders, by destroying its land and resources and the social and political fabric of its people. The Government of India and all oil companies should recognize that the oil and all resources in Manipur belongs to the indigenous peoples of Manipur and that they have exclusive rights to define and decide how to use, control and manage their resources. The resounding call of indigenous peoples of Manipur to the Oil India Limited, Asian Oilfields, Alphageo, Jubilant Energy etc to stop all Oil Exploration & Drilling in Manipur need be fully respected. All undemocratic and manipulative efforts of oil companies and the Government to forcefully pursue oil exploration in Manipur, including reliance on the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 and subsequent militarization processes need be rescinded. There should be an end to all forms of threats and intimidations to human rights defenders advancing the protection of their land and resources. Fostering climate justice, real sustainable development and a just world need firm belief and reinforcement of rights based, environment friendly and accountable form of development in Manipur.
IMPHAL | July 8
The unclaimed dead body at RIMS mortuary, which was found in the morning of July 6 inside the canal of Malom Makha Sorok Maning, will be disposed with the permission of district magistrate, Imphal West if it is not claimed on or before 3 pm of July 10, said a release by OC of Nambol Police Station.
Reading Admission No. 857
By M C Arun
“I am Col. N Hemachandra” was the voice from the other end when I attended the phone call. The voice was so polite and had a tinge of respect. Within a fraction of second, I thought, the voice was not familiar with me. Did I ever have any connection with any army officer? “Will you kindly speak about my book on its release day” continued the voice.
I do enjoy speaking on book release function because I have to guard myself not to speak fully of your impression. Do I have non-sense sentences to impress the author and audience? Sometimes, I realized later, my innocent words hurt author’s sentiment whose book I was speaking about on its release function. And not to give only the tarif, it will give an impression to the audience that I cannot speak the truth. This is always a challenge of speaking about a book on its release function.
Unlike speaking in classrooms and public meetings, speaking in book release function has its own risk. Moreover, I have a sense that the book written by one army officer must be a book on armed conflict or some military writings. The armed conflict is in the air in Manipur; everyone, especially one who belongs to social science can speak on any book on conflict, good or bad. Moreover, many do not write military writings these days; I personally like to read some. “OK, I will like to” I replied.
Then, we met in my office chamber next day. It was a pleasant surprise. I found Col N Hemachandra as a different personality, quite opposite to my cognitive image of ‘military’ gentleman, except his style of standing. Another pleasant surprise was that the book was a fiction, a novel.
Our next meeting was on book release day. However, this gentleman kept me after our first meeting for about five days with surprises, one after another, while reading the 352-page book, Admission No. 857. The book was published by Notion Press, Chennai.
The book is a novel, the narration looks like an autobiographical sketch of a boy whose journey starts from Sainik School, Imphal towards adulthood. The story ends when the boy passes Class XII examination and went to admit in an engineering college. The story telling technique is unique in the sense that the story goes back and forth along a theme such as Madhav: the sweeper, Nadakishore: the barber, NDA Entrance Exam. The author, no doubt, keeps a time frame starting from the boy’s Class IV life; the story is told around different themes and sub-themes. The major themes are the life in Sainik School and Hamurabi’s coming of age. Though the author does not introduce many characters in his novel, he carefully treats four characters: Somen, Guni, Amin and Hamurabi. These four men are called Four Men Gang. The author does not give details of these characters but their stories in different situations are narrated in details. He gives more emphasis on the situations rather than the plots and characterizations.
While reading, author’s treatment of the situations in Sainik School, Leikais and Hamurabi’s responses to these situations gives a total picture of how a young boy’s life and personality are developed in a Meitei Leikai. Around Hamurabi (the protagonist) was, of course, his friends including four men gang, relatives, leikai members and insurgents (ex-militants and over ground activists). In certain situations, there were clashes between ego and desires, social realities and social forces. In this sense, the novel looks like situation analysis often done in social sciences. Hamurabi’s subjective judgment of Sainik School Management, students’ behavior in and outside the school in normal and festival times, different meanings of love to different persons is what the author likes to project the actual life of a young boy in a semi-urban setting.
Stories around themes and sub-themes are themselves short stories. Every story is a complete story in itself. In every such story, the author uses various punch lines showing some loopholes in the entire system. The author sees the system as perfect but experiencing many loopholes. Narrating the grading system in the school, he tells, “Some teachers assume that a class topper is constant, and you will see that happening till such time question papers are set and evaluated by same teacher!” His argument is strong enough to re-think the actual practice of evaluation. He continues: May be teachers generally set questions as per their taste and approach towards academics… And while evaluating, it seems teacher’s picks up the answer sheet of favorite student, and sets that as benchmark. Other answer sheets are evaluated in diminishing, as.. sliding scale..” Brave enough, Col N Hemachandra, in one of such stories, explains why there was no student passed in NDA, the dream of many Sainik students. Neither had he criticized the entire Sainik School nor the system of the School. He boldly narrates how the students of Admission No. 857 batch prepared but failed the NDA examination. “There was a complete washout of the students of Sainik School, Imphal. Was it because of the policy change? Perhaps. Or, was it a genuine result? After all, it was a wash out the previous two years, too.” The book shows many potholes on the road to NDA. Potholes in Sainik journey and ambivalence towards love-object give new insights into juvenile mind of a young Sainik student.
Love experiences of Four Men Gang show four young men’s perspectives of love. Love is such a feeling which is true to each one of them. The love object also ranges from Gobbar to Amu whom more than half of the book was all about. Amu, a beautiful girl, has a web of lovers; still her sensitivity of Hamurabi is unique as well. She loves as well as feels inferior in comparison with Hamurabi, a bright student in Sainik School. She failed Class X examination for the second time when Hamurabi was selected for admission in an engineering college. She wanted to dance with Hamurabi in front of all the leikai members proudly; he wanted to prepare for the forthcoming examination. He wanted to test if she missed her in a thabal chongba, he told he would not join in; she did not care his presence when he came for her. She was in a web of lovers who were playing all the tricks of love; he was so innocent lover but could not tolerate any humiliation. Hamurabi has an ambivalent attitude to Amu and Amu’s love. He was angry over the confusion made around Amu’s love; still he tried to rationalize all Amu’s actions and behavior. Author treats Amu as an agent of all the confusion as well as a victim of circumstances. Hamurabi’s realization of the love-confusion as being created by one of Amu’s lover, Ojeet, could bring Amu and her Hamu across a table in a restaurant, not as close as had been while he was physically in Sainik hostel. Amu, in a story narrated in Hamurabi’s perspective, does not lose her own merit. Reader is left with an impression that Amu did not tell lie when she said: Your smiles are worth far more than anything else.
The art of telling a simple story charged with social critique and philosophical insights of different perspectives keeps readers alert of next unfolding of events. Col N Hemachandra’s novel has its own unique taste.
THOUBAL| July 8
Old Khangabok Labours’ Union has informed that the PDS card holders of Khangabok assembly constituency are not getting their rice, sugar and kerosene adequately for a month. Initially, 5kgs of rice were provided per voter in the constituency. PHH members are now given only 4kgs of rice, and only 20Kgs for AYY members, when they should be getting 5kgs and 35 kgs respectively.
When inquired by the union, the agents told them that some ‘powerful people’ had taken away the PDS items due to bandh and blockade, so they had to give the PDS item in a lesser amount. The union has appealed to the authorities concerned to help them retrieve the PDs items and urged the government to look into the matter.
BISHNUPUR | July 8
Health minister L Jayantakumar made a surprise inspection at the Nambol Community Health Centre today. The minister was accompanied by former Union minister Th Chaoba, BJP state executive member Th Basanta, SDO of Nambol and chairperson of Nambol Municipal Council.
L Jayantakumar told media that he will approach the chief minister to upgrade the number of doctors, nurses and staff in the community health centre along with proper and clean toilet facility. Initiatives will be taken up soon to make clean and hygienic PHCs, CHCs and hospitals in hills and valleys of Manipur, added the minister. The locals of the area also appealed to the health minister to make the old health centre function effectively.
THOUBAL| July 8
A man was killed today in an accident that occurred around 4:30pm at Lilong Chaobok Mairel Khul, Makha Leikai, near Islamic Baby English School under Lilong police station.
Rajumar Tombi (85) son of Snahal from Chongtham Kona, who had been residing at Urup Makha Leikai, died after crashing the Maruti 800 (MN 015 - 630) he was driving, into a pool beside the IVR road. The passenger of the car Takhellambam Boycha (40), son of (L) Koklei from Urup Makha Leikai, is now in a critical condition. A case has been registered by the police and the dead body has been sent to the morgue, RIMS for post mortem.
IMPHAL | July 8
Rotary Club of Imphal organised a “Swachh Bharat Abhiyan” campaign at Carmel Jyoti, Luwangsangbam today.
A release issued by secretary of Rotary Club of Imphal, N. Muhindro Singh said that members of the Rotary Club of Imphal along with children and staff of Carmel Jyoti cleaned the premises of the children home and distributed dustbins along with cleaning materials to the home.
A talk on “Swachh Bharat Abhiyan” for Clean India was also delivered by the president of RC, Imphal, Ellendra Thoudam during the programme, it added.